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Savewith a NBCUniversal ProfileCreate your free profile or log in to save this articleNov. 11, 2025, 5:00 AM ESTBy Steve KornackiWith the government shutdown now poised to end, it’s clear Republicans are in worse shape politically now than when it started. The question is whether that will prove to be temporary — as has been the case with past funding showdowns — or if the political atmosphere has been reset in a way that will linger into next year’s midterm elections. As the six-week shutdown played out, President Donald Trump’s job approval rating ebbed to the lowest point of his second term, with a majority of voters pinning the blame on him and Republicans in Congress. Democrats opened up a wide lead in the generic congressional ballot — 8 points in our NBC News poll, a level last seen in the run-up to the “blue wave” in the 2018 midterms.And then there was last Tuesday, when Democrats posted an unexpected landslide in New Jersey, a state where both parties saw the gubernatorial contest as competitive and recent elections had suggested Republican momentum. Gov.-elect Mikie Sherrill’s victory was so staggering that it lifted a host of down-ballot Democrats and gave the party its largest state Assembly majority in a half-century. The Democratic rout was even bigger in Virginia: The party’s deeply flawed candidate for attorney general, Jay Jones, coasted easily on the coattails of Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger.An unpopular president, a wide generic ballot gap and off-year election results like this are all early warning signals of a midterm debacle for Republicans. But they have been here before. And in two previous shutdowns, Republicans saw their public standing buckle only for it to recover in its aftermath.This was the case during President Barack Obama’s second term, when a dispute over funding for Obamacare precipitated a government shutdown that started on Oct. 1, 2013, and lasted for several weeks. Like now, the public sided squarely against the GOP. An NBC News poll at the time showed voters blamed congressional Republicans over Obama by a 22-point margin. Like now, Republicans suddenly found themselves 8 points behind on the generic ballot. And like now, there was apparent fallout in that year’s elections, with Democrat Terry McAuliffe narrowly defeating Republican Ken Cuccinelli in the Virginia governor’s race.Cuccinelli had liabilities as a candidate, but 2013 stands as the so the shutdown drama of late 1995, a collision between the Republican Congress, led by Speaker Newt Gingrich, R-Ga., and President Bill Clinton. And the public’s verdict was clear: They blamed the GOP. The political legacy of that 1995 shutdown is complicated. Clinton’s standing did improve, while Gingrich’s fell to a level from which he never fully recovered. It also established a framework for Clinton’s 1996 re-election campaign, when he presented himself as a middle-of-the-road bulwark against the ideological fervor of congressional Republicans and Gingrich himself. Clinton ended up breezing to victory over Sen. Bob Dole of Kansas in one of the least suspenseful presidential campaigns of modern times. House Speaker Newt Gingrich, left, gestures during a budget meeting with President Bill Clinton and Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole in December 1995.Greg Gibson / AP fileBut critically, most of the political benefits that Clinton reaped didn’t extend to the rest of his party. During the shutdown, Democrats opened a sizable lead on the generic congressional ballot, but the gap narrowed again by early 1996. It fluctuated as the year progressed, but ultimately Republicans lost only four House seats — even as Clinton won the popular vote by 8 points. The 1996 election marked the first time since 1928 that a GOP House majority lasted more than a single term. With the current shutdown seemingly at its end, the hope for Republicans is that over the next month, polling will return to its pre-shutdown levels — meaning a bump in Trump’s approval rating and a tightening of the generic ballot.The GOP would still face some serious 2026 headwinds, with the economy remaining a top concern to voters and Trump receiving poor marks for his handling of it (not to mention the history of the president’s party struggling in midterms). Still, through a combination of the Democratic Party’s own image problem and the new congressional maps Republicans are drawing in some states, they would conceivably have a chance to hold their own.But that’s only if the shutdown effect proves to be temporary. If the political environment stays like this — or gets worse — Republicans could be staring at a wipeout.Steve KornackiSteve Kornacki is the chief data analyst for NBC News.

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Nov. 11, 2025, 6:31 AM ESTBy Peter GuoScientists in Australia have identified a new species of native bee with tiny, devil-like horns that have earned it a playfully hellish name – “lucifer.”The species, Megachile lucifer, was discovered by scholars surveying a critically endangered wildflower in Western Australia’s Goldfields in 2019, according to a study published Monday in the Journal of Hymenoptera Research.The highly distinctive, upward-pointing horns on the female bee’s face inspired its name, said Kit Prendergast, lead author of the study and an adjunct research fellow at Curtin University.“When writing up the new species description[,] I was watching the Netflix show Lucifer,” Prendergast said in a statement Tuesday. “The name just fit perfectly.” The species was discovered by scholars surveying a critically endangered wildflower.Kit S. Prendergast; Joshua W. CampbellA DNA test later showed that the species didn’t match any known bees in existing databases, making it the first new member of this group to be described in more than 20 years, researchers said.The horns, each measured at about 0.9 millimeters long, could be used to access flowers, compete for resources, and defend nests, researchers suggested, though their exact functions remain unclear. The species’ male bees lack the horns.The discovery highlighted the need to study native bees, Prendergast said, adding that the new species could be at risk from habitat disturbance and other threatening processes like climate change.“Without knowing which native bees exist and what plants they depend on, we risk losing both before we even realize they’re there,” she said.Australia has around 2,000 native bee species, more than 300 of which are yet to be scientifically named and described, according to CSIRO, an Australian national science agency.The country’s native bees are “understudied and data poor,” leading to a lack of knowledge on the conservation status of “almost all species,” Tobias Smith, a bee researcher at the University of Queensland, told NBC News in an email Tuesday.Australian authorities need “stronger policies” to protect native bees from habitat loss, inappropriate fire regimes, and increased risks from megafires, said Smith, who is not involved in the study.Smith said he encouraged Australians to “get outside and look for some native bees and appreciate them.”Peter GuoPeter Guo is an associate producer based in Hong Kong.

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November 19, 2025

Nov. 19, 2025, 10:44 AM EST / Updated Nov. 19, 2025, 4:46 PM ESTBy Rob WileComputer-chip giant Nvidia reported earnings and revenue Wednesday that beat Wall Street estimates, a signal to investors that the artificial intelligence boom that has fueled 2025’s record U.S. stock market gains and backstopped the economy writ-large likely has more room to run. Sales of its trademark Blackwell AI chips “are off the charts,” while another set of key computer processing units “are sold out,” Jensen Huang, founder and CEO of NVIDIA, said in a statement.Shares of the world’s most valuable company were up approximately 3% in after-hours trading. Nvidia’s chips have been the catalysts for a massive build-out of data centers that have supplied a backbone to the U.S. economy amid slowdowns elsewhere. More money is flowing into building data centers than all other manufacturing facility types combined, according to the research group S&P Global.Until recently, that spending has also powered major stock indexes to record highs. Lately, however, stocks have shown signs of wobbling lately. The declines in share prices — led by tech companies — have sparked debates about whether AI-driven gains are beginning to slow. This raises a bigger question: how the broader economy will perform if it no longer benefits from all the wealth the AI boom is creating. Wall Street woes: Is the AI bubble starting to burst?02:17The U.S. economy has become “highly dependent upon three basic elements: continued consumption amongst the affluent, AI investments, and asset appreciation,” Bill Mann, chief investment strategist at Motley Fool Asset Management, said in a statement Wednesday.“The market downdraft, led by the recent high-flying tech companies, is a recognition that the expectations for AI returns may be overly optimistic,” he said.Huang said last month that his company had $500 billion in orders for its chips, for 2025 and 2026 combined.“This is how much business is on the books. Half a trillion dollars’ worth so far,” Huang said at a conference in Washington, D.C.Alongside broader concerns about the state of the U.S. economy, stock market momentum has been tripped up by worries about circular dealing among AI’s biggest players. This means the same money is being passed back and forth between several companies — even as each company’s individual value climbs.Nvidia is a fixture in the kinds of deals that are raising concerns. It recently announced a commitment alongside Microsoft to fund AI software provider Anthropic with $10 billion. Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang during the Live Keynote Pregame of the Nvidia GPU Technology Conference in Washington, D.C., on Oct. 28.Jim Watson / AFP – Getty Images fileThis kind of big collaboration news would typically boost the stock prices of all the companies involved. But neither Nvidia’s nor Microsoft’s stock got a boost from the Anthropic announcement.Analysts with Deutsche Bank said this is a sign of the ongoing investor wariness about deals like this.“It goes to show how sentiment has turned more negative in the last few weeks, with the circular AI deals being treated with increasing caution as the conversation around a potential bubble has gathered pace,” they wrote in a note published Wednesday. The question now is whether the latest market hiccups represent a temporary pullback or the onset of a more permanent state of affairs. Most experts are cautiously optimistic that the market will continue to climb. “We think the investment boom has room to run,” Goldman Sachs researchers wrote in a note published Wednesday, adding that the economy writ large has remained resilient, something that should provide ongoing support to stock returns. Stock “valuations are certainly stretched, yet they remain below the extremes of the dot-com era,” Seema Shah, chief strategist at Principal Asset Management, wrote in a note published last week. What’s more, many firms’ high stock prices are justified by still-solid earnings growth and robust revenue prospects, she wrote. Still, “some investor skepticism about the likely return on that investment is healthy, particularly when it is impossible to quantify the scale of productivity improvement to expect,” she wrote. Rob WileRob Wile is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist covering breaking business stories for NBCNews.com.

September 23, 2025

Sept. 22, 2025, 6:14 PM EDTBy Melanie Zanona, Julie Tsirkin and Dareh GregorianWASHINGTON — President Donald Trump is expected to meet with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer this week to discuss funding the government as the specter of a shutdown looms, two sources familiar with the matter told NBC News.A time and a date have not yet been set. The meeting is expected to take place in Washington.Jeffries and Schumer, both of New York, had requested that the meeting take place ahead of the Sept. 30 funding deadline.Trump said over the weekend, “I’d love to meet with them, but I don’t think it’s going to have any impact.”The Senate voted last week to block dueling Republican and Democratic proposals to keep the government funded past Sept. 30 on a short-term basis.A deal to avert a shutdown and give lawmakers more time to work out a longer-term deal has to be bipartisan to clear the 60-vote threshold in the Senate, where Republicans hold 53 seats.The Democrats’ funding bill would extend Obamacare subsidies set to expire at the end of the year.The Republican bill would fund the government at current spending levels through Nov. 21 but preserve cuts to previously appropriated spending that have incensed Democrats.The GOP bill fell 16 votes short of the 60 needed, while the Democratic bill fell 13 votes short.The House and the Senate are on recess this week, and Republican leaders have decided not to bring the House back until after the funding deadline.Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., last week said the bill Democrats “put on the floor makes it very clear they are very unserious.”Schumer and other Democrats have noted that Trump has publicly called on Thune and House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., not to negotiate with Democrats over a funding bill.If there is a shutdown, mandatory services such as the Border Patrol, the Postal Service and Social Security will continue, but many federal workers will go unpaid.Melanie Zanona and Julie Tsirkin reported from Washington and Dareh Gregorian from New York.Melanie ZanonaMelanie Zanona is a Capitol Hill correspondent for NBC News.Julie TsirkinJulie Tsirkin is a correspondent covering Capitol Hill.Dareh GregorianDareh Gregorian is a politics reporter for NBC News.

September 27, 2025

Sept. 27, 2025, 12:27 PM EDTBy Natasha KoreckiCHICAGO — In the run-up to former FBI Director James Comey’s indictment, there was no question who would step up to represent him.Friend and former colleague Patrick Fitzgerald, who served as U.S. attorney in Chicago for over a decade, would spring from retirement to be his man.Nationally, Fitzgerald is best known for his role as special prosecutor in the investigation into a CIA leak that brought charges against I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby.But to Chicago, Fitzgerald is something of a legend. The George W. Bush appointee left an indelible legacy as a scrupulous, hard-charging prosecutor who disrupted the kinds of crooked backroom deals that were long a trademark of Illinois politics.Over his nearly 12-year tenure as U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Illinois, his prosecutions took down the Chicago mob, put two consecutive governors — one Republican, one Democratic — behind bars and won a conviction against a top donor to Barack Obama just as Obama was running for the White House. He jailed longtime “untouchables” in Chicago and Springfield political circles while prosecuting international cases, including a Hamas funding scheme and major terrorism cases.Still in the Chicago area, Fitzgerald retired as a top partner at the law firm Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom two years ago and was enjoying spending more time with his family while doing some teaching. He’s entering the national spotlight to be Comey’s attorney out of longtime loyalty to a dear friend, those close to him say.But he’s potentially embarking on what could become a political firestorm. President Donald Trump made clear in his own social media post that he wanted his attorney general to bring charges against Comey.“Comey implicitly trusts Pat Fitzgerald. They’ve been best friends, or really good friends, for years,” said Robert Grant, former FBI special agent in charge of the Chicago office at the time Fitzgerald served as U.S. attorney. “They’re that close, and he also has a tremendous amount of respect for Pat.”When Fitzgerald landed in Chicago in 2001, he was dubbed “Eliot Ness with a Harvard Law degree.” But before that, he was the first to bring a case against Osama bin Laden — in 1996 — years before bin Laden masterminded the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. It was one-term Illinois Republican Sen. Peter Fitzgerald (no relation) who recommended Patrick Fitzgerald for the post, at the time saying he wanted someone to lead the office who was unassailable and unafraid to root out public corruption.“Pat was out of central casting to be the incorruptible guy that was in aggressive pursuit of the facts and dispensing justice and vindicating the public’s right for honest government,” said Patrick Collins, a former federal prosecutor who led the case against former Gov. George Ryan, a Republican.“As a line assistant who was intensely involved in a prosecution and worked in an office that had a reputation for prosecuting without fear or favor, having Pat Fitzgerald as your boss — he had your back,” he added. “We always knew that cases would rise or fall on the facts.”Fitzgerald’s and Comey’s personal styles couldn’t be more different. For years, Comey has publicly clashed with Trump, who fired him during his first White House term. Most controversially, Comey held a news conference days before the 2016 presidential election to disclose new findings of an investigation into Hillary Clinton’s emails. Comey also frequently posts on social media — including a video on the day of his indictment vowing to take on Trump.Comey responds to indictment saying ‘I’m innocent’00:57For his part, Fitzgerald is unassuming and does not relish being in the limelight, those close to him say. Fitzgerald, an Amherst College and Harvard Law graduate, had “a steel-trap mind” when they worked together, Grant said, describing a photographic memory that would allow him to rattle off cellphone numbers of defendants years after prosecuting a case. But his demeanor was shaped by humble beginnings in Brooklyn, where he grew up the son of a hotel doorman.“There’s a little bit of hubris you see in Comey that you don’t see in Pat,” Grant said. “When you first meet Pat, he’s so down-to-earth that you don’t realize what a brilliant mind there is behind that genial exterior. Whoever that prosecutor is, she’s up against a damn good lawyer.”Lindsey Halligan, the new interim U.S. attorney in the Eastern District of Virginia, presented the case to secure Comey’s indictment on her own, according to a source familiar with the grand jury proceedings in Alexandria, Virginia, on Thursday. A senior Justice Department official told NBC News that career prosecutors in Halligan’s office sent her a memo saying they believed probable cause did not exist to secure the indictment.Trump tapped Halligan — who has no prosecutorial experience but was on his defense team in the Mar-a-Lago classified documents case — after the previous acting U.S. attorney left the position under pressure from the president to prosecute Comey.When he gained national exposure for prosecuting Libby, Fitzgerald became something of a media darling. He was sometimes referred to jokingly as “prosecutie,” according to one of his friends, and in 2005, much to his dismay at the time, he was named in People magazine’s “sexiest men alive” issue.The straight-laced prosecutor appeared visibly uncomfortable when reporters asked him about the designation at a news conference.“I almost enjoy going back to the leak questions I can’t answer,” he said at the time. “I played a lot of practical jokes on people for a lot of years, and they all got even at once. OK, new topic.”Fitzgerald’s investigations during his time in Chicago broke open a seminal case against the criminal organization known as the Chicago Outfit. Dubbed “Operation Family Secrets,” his office brought sweeping charges against more than a dozen mobsters and exposed evidence of 18 previously unsolved murders dating back decades. He also dug into Chicago City Hall, then under the longtime grip of Mayor Richard M. Daley. A massive investigation into an illicit trucking operation sent dozens to prison and exposed the underbelly of city corruption.Fitzgerald had plenty of detractors.Many of their criticisms stemmed from one of the highest-profile cases to come of his office: the prosecution of then-Gov. Rod Blagojevich. The yearslong investigation culminated in the stunning 2008 arrest of a sitting governor. Though several of his aides were already convicted of related crimes, Blagojevich, a Democrat, spoke openly on the phone — with the FBI listening — about how he could extract a personal benefit in exchange for naming the successor to what was then Obama’s vacant Senate seat.In one of the best-known lines of the case, Blagojevich was recorded relishing a potential payout from using his power as governor to name the next U.S. senator: “I’ve got this thing, and it’s f—–g golden.”Blagojevich was also later convicted of trying to shake down a children’s hospital executive for a $25,000 campaign contribution in exchange for an increase to pediatric reimbursement rates, as well as holding up action on a horse-racing bill while he illegally sought a $100,000 campaign contribution.In laying out the charges on the day of the governor’s arrest, Fitzgerald declared Blagojevich was on a “public corruption spree” that would make “Lincoln roll over in his grave.”Fitzgerald faced criticism for making extrajudicial remarks and potentially prejudicing a jury. For years, Blagojevich assailed Fitzgerald for bringing the weight of the office against him. Trump first commuted Blagojevich’s sentence, then pardoned him earlier this year.Then there was the Libby case, which involved extensive travel to Washington, D.C., while managing the Chicago office and its myriad blockbuster cases. According to law enforcement officials who worked under him, he never dropped the ball back home. At the same time, Fitzgerald drew national attention as he handled the investigation, which sought to uncover who leaked the identity of Valerie Plame Wilson, a covert CIA agent.At one point in the case, New York Times reporter Judith Miller was jailed for refusing to disclose her sources. Fitzgerald took heat from conservatives who called him overzealous in attempting to notch a conviction against Libby, who had served as then-Vice President Dick Cheney’s chief of staff. Bush commuted Libby’s 30-month sentence, and in 2017, Trump pardoned him, saying he had heard Libby was treated unfairly.In a statement at the time, Fitzgerald defended the prosecution, saying Libby “lied repeatedly and blatantly about matters at the heart of a criminal investigation concerning the disclosure of a covert intelligence officer’s identity.”Those who worked with Fitzgerald in Chicago defended him as zealously apolitical, noting he served under presidents of both parties. They held up his body of work as evidence he was no friend to those on either side of the aisle.“I worked with him for nine years. I have no idea if he’s a Republican or a Democrat, and it quite frankly never came up. He’s entirely about justice and doing the right thing,” said Eric Sussman, a defense attorney who worked as an assistant U.S. attorney under Fitzgerald.Sussman prosecuted a corruption case against onetime media baron Conrad Black, another high-profile defendant sent to prison in that era after he was convicted of diverting proceeds from his newspaper sales for his personal use. Like with Blagojevich, Trump would eventually pardon Black.“Pat really professionalized the office and made sure that everyone underneath him operated with the same professionalism, integrity and commitment to doing the right thing in Justice,” Sussman added. “That carried over not just to the attorneys in the office, but to how people in Chicago perceived him and perceived the office that he ran.”Natasha KoreckiNatasha Korecki is a senior national political reporter for NBC News.

September 22, 2025

Sept. 22, 2025, 6:10 PM EDTBy Peter Nicholas and Matt DixonWASHINGTON — President Donald Trump’s insistence that his attorney general bring charges against three perceived political opponents could backfire if any cases get to court, undermining his effort to see them punished, some legal experts said Monday.In a social media post Saturday, Trump pressed Attorney General Pam Bondi about three people who’ve raised his ire and who’ve not faced criminal charges to this point: Sen. Adam Schiff, D-Calif.; New York state Attorney General Letitia James; and former FBI Director James Comey.He mentioned that he’d been impeached and indicted multiple times “OVER NOTHING!”“JUSTICE MUST BE SERVED NOW!!!” he wrote. He also cited unspecified “statements and posts” he’d read contending that the trio are “‘guilty as hell, but nothing is going to be done.’”Because of Trump’s exhortation, defense lawyers could argue in court that their clients were targets of selective prosecution and did not receive constitutionally required due process, said Bruce Green, a professor at Fordham Law School who specializes in ethics issues.“If they’re picking these people not because they’re guilty of something … but because the president is out to get them because they’re Democrats and they made his life miserable previously, that’s an impermissible basis,” Green said.Another issue is whether Schiff, James and Comey could ever get a fair trial if it were to come to that, said Stephen Gillers, a professor of legal ethics at New York University School of Law.“He is his own worst enemy,” Gillers said of Trump.“Sometimes people make statements, but this is the president of the United States telling the court and an eventual jury that the people on trial before them are guilty. I can’t imagine that a court would let that go to a verdict. The prejudice from that kind of statement is enormous,” Gillers said.John Walsh, who served as the U.S. attorney in Colorado for six years ending in 2016, said in an interview: “It certainly gives the defense an argument that the charges are politically motivated and not based on the merits and the evidence and the argument. Some judges might find that persuasive depending on the motions that take place prior to trial.” But he added that even if the Justice Department understands this reality, officials could be pursuing a strategy that he described as, “Investigation is the punishment.” Enduring a federal investigation is costly to the target and can bring significant harm to one’s reputation, he said. “An investigation is a very serious thing against professionals, yes, there is a cost to even just defend yourself,” he added.Trump’s extraordinary weekend message to Bondi — “Pam,” as he called her — put the attorney general in a tough spot, said Jill Wine-Banks, a former general counsel to the U.S. Army and an assistant special prosecutor in the Watergate scandal of the early 1970s.If Bondi accommodates the president and the Justice Department seeks indictments against Schiff, James and Comey, “who’s going to believe it wasn’t done for political purposes?” Wine-Banks asked rhetorically. “And if she doesn’t, she’s going to get fired. So, it’s a lose-lose, no matter what.”Trump tempered his message to Bondi later on Saturday.He posted that Bondi was doing a “GREAT job” while also later telling reporters in a press gaggle: “If they’re not guilty, that’s fine. If they are guilty, or if they should be judged, they should be judged. And we have to do it now.”All three of the people Trump singled out have rankled him for different reasons.Comey led an investigation into Trump’s possible ties to Russian leadership, which concluded that Trump’s campaign did not collude with Russian operatives. Trump fired Comey five months into his first term. Comey declined comment Monday.Schiff, then a House member, led the first impeachment of Trump during the president’s first term. Schiff posted a response to Trump on social media: “There’s no hiding the political retaliation and weaponization. It’s all out in the open.”James brought a successful civil suit against Trump in 2022 that accused him of overvaluing assets, including real estate, in loan applications. The suit’s financial penalty against Trump was later voided.James’ office declined a request for comment.At a press briefing Monday, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt amplified Trump’s condemnation of the trio.“You look at people like Adam Schiff and like James Comey and like Letitia James,” she said, “who the president is rightfully frustrated.”She added that Trump “wants accountability for these corrupt fraudsters who abused their power, who abused their oath of office to target the former president and then candidate for the highest office in the land.”Trump has long contended that he was a victim of a weaponized judicial system when Joe Biden was in office. In his inauguration speech on Jan. 20, he pledged to end such practices. “Never again will the immense power of the state be weaponized to persecute political opponents — something I know something about,” he said. “We will not allow that to happen. It will not happen again.”Bondi made a similar promise during her confirmation hearing before the U.S. Senate in January. “Under my watch, the partisan weaponization of the Department of Justice will end,” she said. “America must have one tier of justice for all.”Now, though, critics worry that Trump is erasing post-Watergate norms that were supposed to shield prosecutors from political interference.Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., told NBC News in a statement: “The president should not be directing the Attorney General to prosecute those who pursued him over the last six years. Lawfare is corrosive to a democracy and he is doing exactly what he has accused the Democrats of doing to him. We need to stop the cycle of lawfare and escalation. His public statements to the attorney general were not wise and they undermine the citizens’ confidence of our legal system.”A worrying development came last week, critics said, when the federal prosecutor tasked with investigating mortgage fraud allegations against James resigned after Trump said he no longer wanted him to serve in that position. (Trump said he fired the prosecutor, Erik Siebert.)Trump administration officials had been pressing Siebert to investigate potential mortgage fraud charges against James. Two federal law enforcement sources say prosecutors did not believe they had enough evidence to charge James with mortgage fraud over a Virginia home she purchased for her niece in 2023.Those same sources said prosecutors felt there was not enough evidence to charge Comey regarding allegations that he lied to Congress in 2020 about FBI investigations into the 2016 election.Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., a member of the Judiciary Committee, told NBC News: “‘Two wrongs don’t make it right but they do make it even’ is the sort of thing that happens in countries whose Powerball jackpot is 287 chickens and a goat. It’s not supposed to happen in America.”“President Biden’s administration started this ‘lawfare’, as the media calls it, and I worried then that they had unleashed spirits they would be unable to control,” he added. “I questioned Attorney General Bondi about this in her confirmation hearing, and she agreed with me. Any prosecution of a public official has to be based on objective, compelling evidence of criminal behavior, not based on that official’s political ideology.”Peter NicholasPeter Nicholas is a senior White House reporter for NBC News.Matt DixonMatt Dixon is a senior national politics reporter for NBC News, based in Florida.Katherine Doyle, Dennis Romero, Ryan J. Reilly, Michael Kosnar and Chloe Atkins contributed.

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