Police seek suspects in deadly birthday party shooting
Lawmakers launch inquires into U.S. boat strike
Nov. 29, 2025, 10:07 PM EST / Updated Nov. 30, 2025,…
Mark Kelly says troops ‘can tell’ what orders…

Be that!

contact@bethat.ne.com

Menu ≡ ╳

Home
Travel
Culture
Lifestyle
Sport
Contact Us
Politics Politics

Be that!

Andrew Cuomo casts ballot in New York

admin - Latest News - November 4, 2025

admin

15 views 5 secs 0 Comments

Andrew Cuomo casts ballot in New York

Source link

TAGS:

PREVIOUS

Savewith a NBCUniversal ProfileCreate your free profile or log in to save this articleNov. 4, 2025, 5:00 AM EST / Updated Nov. 4, 2025, 10:33 AM ESTBy Steve KornackiThe Donald Trump era has changed American politics for a decade. On Tuesday night, two contentious races for governor will define what the next steps for Republicans and Democrats might look like — not only who will lead Virginia and New Jersey for four years, but how the two parties are appealing to different types of voters and building coalitions for future elections.Republicans have gained ground in those two blue-leaning states since Trump’s heavy losses there in 2020. Tuesday’s elections will show just how durable those advances were, hinging in part on the progress the Republican Party under Trump made with groups that once voted more strongly against the GOP. That especially includes Latino voters, who banked heavily toward Trump in 2024. But Democrats have spent the last year focused on how to reverse those trends, nominating candidates without baggage from the party’s 2024 election loss. And, of course, Trump is now in the White House, which led to voter backlash against him as the incumbent during his first term.Follow live updates on the 2025 electionTune in to live NBC News election night coverage:NBC News NOW, our free streaming service, will be airing an election special beginning at 7 p.m. ET.NBCNews.com and the NBC News app will feature real-time results of all the major races as well as all the latest reporting.NBC News’ podcast, “Here’s the Scoop,” will be livestreaming on YouTube and NBCNews.com beginning around 11 p.m. ET.NBC News’ Chief Data Analyst Steve Kornacki will be at the big board all night, analyzing results and providing minute-by-minute updates exclusively on the NBC News NOW special and the “Here’s the Scoop” livestream.The two states saw similar results in the last presidential election, but the races have gone differently this year. In Virginia, Democrat Abigail Spanberger enters Election Day with a clear polling lead over Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. And in New Jersey, Democrat Mikie Sherrill holds a smaller advantage in most surveys over Republican Jack Ciattarelli. Here are the places and the trends to watch when the votes get tallied Tuesday night.NEW JERSEYBack in 2020, Joe Biden trounced Trump by 17 points in New Jersey. But Republicans have been seeing steady gains since then.In 2021, Ciattarelli came within just three points of unseating Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy. And last year, Trump lost by less than 6 points, the second-largest improvement he posted anywhere in the country. Both results were better performances — in all of the state’s 21 counties — than Trump in 2020. Crucially, the areas where Trump and Ciattarelli made their biggest strides don’t necessarily overlap. They each tapped into different voters in different places. Ciattarelli made some of his biggest gains in suburban areas with above-average median incomes and higher concentrations of college degrees. Meanwhile, Trump’s largest improvements largely came in areas with heavier Hispanic populations.Where Ciattarelli outperformed TrumpSomerset County is an affluent and historically Republican county filled with New York City bedroom communities. But like many suburban areas around the country, its population has diversified — from 75% white at the turn of the century to barely 50% in the most recent census — and its highly educated voters have reacted with hostility to the Trump-led GOP. George W. Bush carried Somerset in 2004, but Democrats have won it in every presidential election since, with Biden’s 21-point romp in 2020 as their high water mark.In 2021, Ciattarelli came within four points of Murphy — a 17-point improvement over that Trump 2020 performance. Trump didn’t give back all of those gains in 2024, but he did lose significant ground from Ciattarelli’s showing, finishing 14 points behind Kamala Harris. (It helped that Ciattarelli once represented parts of Somerset in the state Legislature.)A key question is whether Ciattarelli can at least replicate that 2021 showing. Four years ago, he benefited from the fact that Biden was in the White House. Many anti-Trump voters were willing to put aside their concerns with the national Republican Party. It turned out they had concerns with the Democrats who were running New Jersey, too, and deemed Ciattarelli an acceptable alternative. But with Trump back in power, will it be different?Within Somerset, Bernards Township (population 27,000) is a great example of these dynamics. It has a median household income that’s nearly twice the statewide average. Two-thirds of its population is white, and more than two-thirds of its white adult population have college degrees, far above the statewide level. As recently as 2012, it was still voting Republican at the presidential level, but Trump’s emergence changed that. He lost it by 14 points in 2020 and only improved a smidge in 2024, when Harris bested him by 11. Ciattarelli, on the other hand, won it by 5. Bernards Township is chock full of exactly the kind of voter Ciattarelli needs to hang on to: the avowedly anti-Trump, affluent suburbanite.Where Trump outperformed CiattarelliPassaic County in North Jersey includes the state’s third-largest city, Paterson, along with a number of densely populated middle-class suburbs and a stretch of rural land and wilderness. It is racially and ethnically diverse: a population that’s about 40% Hispanic and white, just under 10% Black and Asian, and notable Orthodox and Arab American pockets. Bill Clinton broke a string of Republican successes in Passaic when he carried it in his 1996 re-election bid and his party then posted double-digit wins until last year, when Trump flipped it. While Ciattarelli also made sizable strides in 2021, he didn’t make the kinds of inroads Trump did in the county’s largest and least white municipalities: Paterson and Passaic city. In Paterson, which is two-thirds Hispanic and less than 10% white, Ciattarelli lost by 71 points in his 2021 campaign, around what the typical margin of defeat for a Republican in the city had long been. But Trump finished only 28 points behind Harris last year. He did this by demonstrating significant new appeal in heavily Hispanic areas and by posting improvements in heavily Arab American South Paterson, where voters seemed to cast protest votes either for Trump or Green Party candidate Jill Stein. With 70,000 residents, Passaic city is about half the size of Paterson, but it’s also overwhelmingly (75%) Hispanic. In 2024, Trump carried the city by 6 points after Ciattarelli lost it by 40 in 2021.This was a trend seen across the state. Trump’s biggest gains from 2020 — and his biggest overperformances relative to Ciattarelli — tended to come from areas with sizable Hispanic populations. Ciattarelli’s inability to make even remotely similar inroads four years ago casts doubt on whether he can add these voters to his coalition this year. Certainly, his campaign hopes that Trump will serve as a gateway to the broader Republican Party for them. But it also appears that many were first-time voters or voters who don’t normally participate in non-presidential elections. If Ciattarelli can fold in some of these new Trump voters, he’ll be taking a major step toward victory. Short of winning over new votes in Paterson and Passaic city, Ciattarelli will have to hope that turnout is low. This was the case in 2021, when turnout plummeted in many heavily Democratic urban areas around the state. Take Paterson, where turnout in 2021 was just 35% of the level it had been in the 2020 presidential race — compared to the statewide average of 57%. Reasserting their dominance in cities like Paterson while also beefing up turnout is a major priority for Sherrill this year.VIRGINIAIn 2024, Trump lost Virginia by just under 6 points, an improvement from his 10-point defeat in four years earlier. In a way, the result amounted to a tale of two different elections in the same state.In the Washington, D.C., suburbs and exurbs of Northern Virginia, Trump made big strides, particularly in areas with significant Hispanic and Asian American populations. Had these gains extended across the state, he might have actually put Virginia in play, but outside of northern Virginia his progress was spotty at best, and he even backtracked in some areas.The counties and cities that comprise Northern Virginia account for about one-third of all votes statewide. The growing and diversifying populations here are the primary source of Virginia’s evolution into a blue state — but those same places also drove Trump’s Northern Virginia improvement in 2024.Building on 2021 gainsIn reducing his deficit, Trump locked in many — but not all — of the gains that Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin made in these same places in his victorious 2021 gubernatorial campaign. For example, in sprawling Loudoun County, which accounts for 5% of all votes cast statewide, Youngkin lost by 11 points in 2021, and Trump lost by 16 points last year. Both represent big jumps from Trump’s 25-point loss in 2020.Trump did this in part by building support with Latino voters, as he did nationally. Case in point: Sterling has the highest concentration of Latino residents (50%) of any census-designated place in Loudoun County. Trump lost Sterling by 19 points to Harris after getting crushed by 44 against Biden in 2020.Notably, this is one place where Trump outperformed Youngkin, who lost it by 24 in his own campaign. For Earle-Sears, building on this momentum is essential.GOP improvements in Loudoun are also rooted in local politics, especially contentious disputes over education standards and school policies over the last half-decade. In particular, gains by both Youngkin and Trump with Asian American voters seem tied to these battles.Earle-Sears is seeking to capitalize the same way. This makes majority-Asian Loudoun Valley Estates worth watching closely. A development community of about 10,000, its median income and college attainment rate are both far above the state average. In 2020, Loudoun Valley Estates sided with Biden by 43 points. Youngkin cut that to a 28-point Democratic margin a year later, and Trump brought it down five points further last year.It will be a solid barometer of whether Earle-Sears has tapped into the same currents that boosted Youngkin and Trump in Loudoun and across northern Virginia. There are similar dynamics in suburban Prince William County, another population juggernaut that accounts for 5% of all votes statewide. With a white population of around 40%, Prince William is more diverse and slightly more Democratic than Loudoun. Trump lost by 27 points there in 2020, a margin that both he and Youngkin reduced by about 10 points in 2021 and 2024.Then there’s the geographically compact city of Manassas Park, which has just over 16,000 residents, almost half of whom are Hispanic — the highest concentration of any county or independent city in Virginia. Trump cut his deficit there from 33 points in 2020 to 20 points last year.Where to watch beyond Northern VirginiaMoving away from Northern Virginia, two major population centers stand out for their willingness to embrace Youngkin — and their refusal to do the same for Trump last year.One is Chesterfield County, which takes in the suburbs to the south of Richmond. With 365,000 residents, it’s the fourth-largest county in the state, and the biggest outside of Northern Virginia.These were staunchly Republican suburbs from the end of World War II on, but a gradual shift away from the GOP exploded with the emergence of Trump. In 2016, he carried Chesterfield by 2 points, the worst showing for a Republican since Thomas Dewey in 1948. By 2020, it had flipped completely and Trump lost it by 7 points. And last year, it was the rare county in America that actually got bluer, with Harris pushing the margin to 9 points.Chesterfield is racially diverse and has one of the largest Black populations in the state. Notably, though, a precinct-level analysis finds that Trump actually improved his performance in predominantly Black parts of the county; it was in largely white and high-educated precincts that he continued to lose ground:A major reason why Youngkin is governor today is that he managed to roll back these Trump-era Democratic inroads, beating Democrat Terry McAuliffe by 5 points in Chesterfield. His campaign kept Trump at arm’s length and was no doubt helped by the fact that Trump was a former president in 2021, with the White House then occupied instead by an unpopular Democrat in Biden. Now, with polls indicating there’s been no growth in Trump’s popularity over the last year, it figures to be tougher for Earle-Sears to connect with these voters. Democrats are banking on a backlash against Trump, and Chesterfield looms as a test of whether they are right to.The biggest bellwether in the state may be the independent city of Virginia Beach, which has about 460,000 residents. For years, a large Navy presence helped make Virginia Beach one of the most Republican-friendly big cities in the country, but as it has continued to grow and diversify, it has tipped into the Democratic column. In 2020, Biden became the first Democrat since Lyndon B. Johnson to carry Virginia Beach, taking it by 5 points. Flipping it back was a priority for Republicans as they sought to make Virginia a battleground state last year, but Harris managed to hang on to it by 3 points.The story was different in the last governor’s race, though, with Youngkin winning Virginia Beach by 8 points. As with Chesterfield, the question is whether Trump’s return to the White House will make it all but impossible for the GOP to replicate that 2021 roadmap this year.Steve KornackiSteve Kornacki is the chief data analyst for NBC News.

NEXT

Mikie Sherrill casts her ballot for New Jersey governor

Related Post

November 5, 2025

California voters approve Prop 50, NBC News projects

September 28, 2025

Mexican Navy ship reopens after Brooklyn Bridge accident

October 15, 2025

Savewith a NBCUniversal ProfileCreate your free profile or log in to save this articleOct. 15, 2025, 2:11 PM EDTBy Scott Wong, Gabrielle Khoriaty and Kyle StewartWASHINGTON — Democrats are ramping up pressure on House Speaker Mike Johnson to seat Rep.-elect Adelita Grijalva, staging a protest at his office, holding news conferences and threatening a lawsuit to try to get him to swear in the newest Democratic member of Congress.Grijalva won the Arizona House seat of her father, the late progressive leader Rep. Raul Grijalva, in a Sept. 23 special election. But the House has not been in session since her election as part of the stalemate over the government shutdown.While Grijalva has been in and around the Capitol complex waiting to take the oath, Johnson, R-La., has said for the past two weeks he won’t swear her in until the government reopens.House Dems march to demand Johnson swear in Grijalva00:56Once she is seated, Grijalva would bring the House to 219 Republicans and 214 Democrats. She is also expected to be the final signature needed to force a House vote to release the Justice Department’s Jeffrey Epstein files.Now, Democrats are trying new, more aggressive tactics to force Johnson to reverse course.On Tuesday night, Grijalva and members of the Democratic Women’s Caucus marched to Johnson’s office, chanting “Swear her in!” A U.S. Capitol Police officer briefly tried to stop lawmakers and could be seen on video getting into a short verbal altercation with Rep. Nanette Barragán, D-Calif. She claimed that the officer grabbed her, but a video only shows her pushing past an officer into the speaker’s foyer. Capitol Police did not immediately respond to a request for comment.In remarks outside Johnson’s office, Grijalva said she has heard “not one word” from the speaker.“I am a woman of color from Arizona, and 700,000 people deserve to have their voice heard, …” Grijlava said. “Let’s just be really clear, if I were a Republican, I would have already been sworn, and that is not acceptable. They’re afraid of me signing and being the 218th signer to the Epstein petition.”Johnson was not in the Capitol during the protest. But Arizona’s two Democratic senators — Ruben Gallego and Mark Kelly — verbally sparred with Johnson in the same spot just last week over his refusal to immediately seat Grijalva.Tuesday night’s protest came on the same day that top Arizona state officials certified the results of Grijalva’s election victory. And on Tuesday, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, a Democrat, sent a letter to Johnson threatening to sue if he did not seat Grijalva or set a date to do so.“Failing to seat Ms. Grijalva immediately or to otherwise provide a reasonable explanation as to when she will be seated will prompt legal action,” Mayes wrote.She added: “You and your staff have provided ever-shifting, unsatisfactory, and sometimes absurd stories as to why Ms. Grijalva has not been sworn in. In a particularly worrisome comment, an aide connected the swearing-in and admission to the ongoing budget fight, suggesting that the House is trying to use Arizona’s constitutional right to representation in the House as a bargaining chip.”When asked about Mayes’ letter, Johnson said in a short statement, “The House will follow customary practice by swearing in Rep-elect Grijalva when the House is in legislative session.”Speaking to reporters Wednesday, Johnson accused Democrats of “playing political games” and disrespecting police by protesting at his office. “They stormed my office. Maybe you saw some of the video online that they themselves shared. … They berated a Capitol Police officer, screamed at him. He was just merely standing his post. It shows, again, their disdain for law enforcement, as we see all around the country … and it shows their desperation.”House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., Grijalva and other Democrats have pointed out that Johnson, in April, swore in two Florida Republicans — Rep. Jimmy Patronis and Randy Fine — shortly after their special elections, while the House was out of town.Johnson has argued it was because the pair of Floridians had family in Washington at the time, so he did it as a courtesy to accommodate visiting family members. He also told reporters Tuesday he wants to ensure Grijalva has “all the pomp and circumstance” of having a full chamber in session to witness her being sworn in.And the speaker has repeatedly said the delay has nothing to do with the effort to force a vote on the Epstein files.Following the Tuesday protest, Democrats in both the Arizona delegation and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus on Wednesday stood in front of the Capitol and again demanded he administer the oath of office.“I don’t need bells and whistles,” Grijalva said, rejecting the speaker’s explanation. “I don’t need pomp and circumstance. I just need to get to work for southern Arizona.”Kelly, the Arizona senator, noted he and his family live in Grijalva’s district, which extends along the southern border from Yuma to Tucson.“We currently do not have representation in the U.S. House of Representatives,” Kelly said, “and that is wrong.”Scott WongScott Wong is a senior congressional reporter for NBC News. Gabrielle KhoriatyGabrielle Khoriaty is a desk assistant in the NBC News Washington bureau.Kyle StewartKyle Stewart is a producer and off-air reporter covering Congress for NBC News, managing coverage of the House.Frank Thorp V contributed.

October 6, 2025

Supreme Court rejects Epstein associate Ghislaine Maxwell’s appeal of her criminal conviction

Comments are closed.

Home
Travel
Culture
Lifestyle
Sport
Contact Us
Politics

© Copyright 2025 - Be That ! . All Rights Reserved